107年9月「巴迪烏專輯」:哲學與政治的位置

2019-07-12

第四十七卷 第三期 總462 中華民國107年9月
Vol.47 No.3 September 2018

《中外文學》九月號推出「巴迪烏專輯:哲學與政治的位置」,收錄了五篇專輯論文,以及四篇訪談翻譯:吳建亨以巴迪烏(Alain Badiou)的真理哲學為基礎,述及尼采(Friedrich Nietzsche)的反哲學與大政治,探究巴迪烏筆下尼采的特異性,其侷限與對哲學的啟發;洪世謙解析巴迪烏如何在他的集合論中發展出數學本體論,以及政治主體的不斷生成與變動;黃涵榆探究巴迪烏與安那其主義之間(錯失)的「遭遇」,以及他們之間複雜不確定之關聯;邱彥彬分析1966年夏季到冬季這段文革時間的歷史進程,以及毛澤東的共產主義戰略;劉紀蕙則以外籍移工所遭受的奴隸化待遇切入,分析此種內部殖民與無意識的負向政治範式,並透過巴里巴爾(Étienne Balibar)與巴迪烏的哲學思考,探討如何面對這群居於此地卻又不被計算的隱形居民。最後,透過巴迪烏的不同訪談,讓讀者能夠對於巴迪烏具有較多面向的理解。

中外文學九月號目錄
Contents

弁言
Introduction

  • 劉紀蕙(專輯主編)╱為什麼在台灣討論巴迪烏?
    Joyce C.H.Liu, Guest Editor╱Why Badiou in Taiwan?

專輯論文
Special Issue Articles

吳建亨╱巴迪烏的尼采:反哲學與大政治

巴迪烏的尼采
反哲學與大政治

吳建亨*

摘要

巴迪烏於一九八零年代後期宣稱「哲學的回歸」,目的是在「哲學已死」的後現代喧嘩中重申哲學的主要性。巴迪烏運用兩種方式重申哲學主要性,一種是正面定義哲學所處理的議題與任務;另一種則以負面論辯形式,透過對非哲學立場(包括詭辯學與反哲學)的標記,重新思考現代哲學關於存有、主體與真理三大主軸。本文在巴迪烏真理哲學的背景下,以尼采的反哲學為經,大政治為緯,論述巴迪烏筆下尼采的特異性,其侷限與對哲學的啟發。論文分為三大區塊:第一部分討論劃界判準的分類問題;第二部分處理海德格與德勒茲對尼采的閱讀與巴迪烏對兩人的批判,藉此突顯巴迪烏閱讀上的介入性(非註釋性)之策略;第三部分闡述尼采作為反哲學家如何構思一種新的(反)哲學與(大)政治的關係,並佐以巴迪烏的真理哲學做對照。論文結論指出,雖然巴迪烏對尼采的評論都是在真理哲學的基礎上展開,但反哲學對哲學本身的定位仍有無可取代的意義,絕非是可有可無的附屬衍生品,也不是單純成就哲學回歸的次要範疇。巴迪烏強調,反哲學是哲學回歸與轉向不可或缺的形構性條件;哲學並非先於反哲學,事實上,「哲學永遠都是反哲學的繼承者」。

◎關鍵詞:巴迪烏,尼采,反哲學,專名,大政治

★國立清華大學外國語文學系助理教授。

Chien-heng Wu╱Badiou’s Nietzsche: Anti-philosophy and Great Politics

Badiou’s Nietzsche
Anti-Philosophy and Great Politics

Chien-heng Wu*

Abstract

In the late 1980s, Alain Badiou embarked on the project, “the (re)turn of philosophy,” to assert the primacy of philosophy amidst the postmodern brouhaha that had pronounced its death. To achieve this, Badiou adopted two approaches: first, a positive definition of philosophy, dealing with central issues and tasks faced by philosophy; second, negative polemics, demarcating the non-philosophical positions (including sophistics and antiphilosophy) in order to rethink the categories of being, subjectivity, and truth in modern philosophy. This paper examines the singular aspects of Nietzsche’s anti-philosophy and great politics, exploring their contribution to the advent of philosophical modernity as well as the limitation it places on the development of contemporary philosophy. The paper is divided into three parts. The first discusses the question of demarcation; the second looks at Badiou’s reading of Heidegger’s and Deleuze’s interpretations of Nietzsche; the final section elaborates on the relation of (anti)philosophy and (great) politics in Nietzsche from within the framework of Badiou’s own philosophy of truth. In conclusion, I argue that although anti-philosophy is something to be overcome, it is not something philosophy can do without. In fact, antiphilosophy is constitutive of philosophy’s (re)turn to itself. “Philosophy,” as Badiou puts it, “is always the heir to anti-philosophy.”

◎Keywords: Badiou, Nietzsche, anti-philosophy, proper name, great politics

★Assistant Professor, Department of Foreign Languages and Literature, National Tsing Hua University.

洪世謙╱內在的例外:作為類屬程序的政治主體

內在的例外
作為類屬程序的政治主體

洪世謙*

摘要
巴迪烏認為當代的幾股哲學思潮太過強烈地致力於多義性和語言的多元性,將哲學納入對語言的思考,結果則是以多元意義的理念代替了真理的理念,因此必須扭轉這樣的現象。是以,他必須思考一種新的主體學說,他並不同意傳統哲學中將主體視為某種本質化的實體,但也不同意將實體視為幻覺對其進行批判或將其解消,相對地,巴迪烏強調主體的變動性,主體顯現於一系列程序後的集合。巴迪烏認為,他對主體的主要工作,便是說明如何在一種不可辨識,不可區分的事件出現之際,透過多之實存、力迫、集合等數學本體論的概念,實踐主體理論。
     類屬程序的主體讓政治主體保持能動性,即他既成為例外,亦可在例外中重新運算,以此對原先的非存在重新命名與重新理解,並因此拆解既有的情勢結構。政治主體是通過一連串政治活動而形成的集合,並且在不斷的生成過程中,不至於成為惰性的政治主體,主體因此無法特定命名,無法被編碼,這種情況才能避免極權或作為專名後失去了動能,即政治能動性不會因為自己被編碼於某種政黨,而失去了政治的動力。

◎關鍵詞:巴迪烏,阿圖塞,忠實,類屬程序,數學本體論,主體

★國立中山大學哲學研究所副教授。

Shih-chian Hung╱Immanent Exception: The Political Subject as a Generic Procedure

Immanent Exception
The Political Subject as a Generic Procedure

Shih-chian Hung*

Abstract
The contemporary philosophical movements, Badiou contends, are so strenuously dedicated to multiple multiplicity and the multiplicity of language that they replace the concept of truth with the concept of multiple meaning. As a result, philosophy is reduced to the thinking of language. Badiou urges transforming this phenomenon. Conceptualizing a new theory of subject, Badiou does not embrace the contention in the traditional sense that tends to regard the subject as the essential entity. Meanwhile, he does not support the fact that traditional philosophy regards the subject as an illusion to further critique or eliminate. Instead, Badiou stresses the mobility of the subject, that is, the subject appearing after a series of procedures. The major task for Badiou’s theory of the subject strives to explain how the emergence of the subject, which remains undivided and undistinguished, can actualize the theory of the subject through his mathematical ontology such as multiplebeing, forcing, and empty set.
The subject’s generic procedure can maintain the mobility of the political subject. In other words, the political subject not only becomes an exception, or a possible recount in the exception, but also renames and re-conceptualizes the original inexistence, thereby debunking the existing situation structure. The political subject is formed as a set through a series of political activities, and constantly situated in the process of becoming without turning to an inert political subject. As such, the subject can neither be named nor coded. Under such a circumstance, the political subject can prevent itself from falling into the totalitarianism or becoming a proper name without mobility. In other words, the subject will not lose its political mobility even when it is codified to belong to a particular political party.

◎Keywords: Badiou, Althusser, fidelity, generic procedure, mathematical subject, subject

★Associate Professor, Institute of Philosophy, National Sun Yat-sen University.

黃涵榆╱巴迪烏與安那其主義(錯失)的遭遇: 一種唯/微物基進政治的思想實驗

巴迪烏與安那其主義(錯失)的遭遇
一種唯/微物基進政治的思想實驗

黃涵榆*

摘要

即便巴迪烏以其六○、七○年代毛派馬列主義立場對於安那其主義多所批判,但本文主張透過關照他整體的政治本體論,開展他的思想和安那其思想與實踐之間的對話與交集。本文主要目的在於探究巴迪烏與安那其主義之間(錯失)的「遭遇」,這意味著彼此之間複多且不確定的關聯。本文將首先描繪當代安那其的理論情境,接著扼要地闡述巴迪烏的政治本體論,聚焦於事件與主體產生的條件。接下來討論巴迪烏如何回應、重訪包括巴黎公社和近年的「阿拉伯之春」,從這些起義、暴動和革命事件辨識新的政治主體、政治組織、甚至想像未來的可能性,不存在的如得以存在。最後我將以阿圖塞的機緣唯物論為轉接,探討巴迪烏與當代安那其行動組織「隱形委員會」(the Invisible Committee)是否有任何安那其同盟的可能。

◎關鍵詞:暴動,減除,政治本體論,事件,安那其,唯物論

★ 國立臺灣師範大學英語學系教授。

Han-yu Huang╱Badiou’s (Mis-)Encounter with Anarchism: A Micro-/materialist Thought Experiment on Radical Politics

Badiou’s (Mis-)Encounter with Anarchism
A Micro-/materialist Thought Experiment on Radical Politics

Han-yu Huang*

Abstract

Even though Badiou in the 1960s and 1970s voiced a fervent critique of anarchism from a Maoist, Marx-Leninist position, this essay argues for a more holistic view on his political ontology to tackle his potential dialogues with contemporary anarchist thought and praxis. This essays aims at Badiou’s “(mis-)encounter” with anarchism, which implies multiple and uncertain intersections between them. The first part offers a comprehensive description of the situation of contemporary anarchism. The focus of the discussion then shifts to Badiou’s political ontology centered on the emergence of the event and the subject. How Badiou responds to and revisits such insurrections as the Paris Commune and the Arab Spring will be explored regarding new political subjectivities, organizations, the imagination of futures and the existence of the inexistent. Althusser’s aleatory materialism works as a pivot for carrying the micro-materialist thought experiment of this essay to the Invisible Committee and testing its alignment with Badiou.

◎Keywords: riots, subtraction, political ontology, event, anarchism, materialism

★Professor, Department of English, National Taiwan Normal University.

邱彥彬╱1966年的夏季到冬季:毛澤東的文革時間與共產主義戰略

1966年的夏季到冬季
毛澤東的文革時間與共產主義戰略

邱彥彬*

摘要

巴迪烏認為,作為共產主義運動再發動的文革,為陷入困境的國際共產主義運動提供了一套解決方案。不意外地,「反動」因此成為1996年6月到10月這段文革時間的核心概念。在毛、黨機器與紅衛兵運動的三方角力中,何種領導的作為屬於革命、何種又屬於反動,這是這段時期毛認定的主要矛盾所在,魯索所謂「支持或反對政治組織的無限繁衍」,正是從這個主要矛盾中派生出來的重要議題。但支持或反對或許不是重點,如何支持如何反對才是關鍵所在。面對群眾運動,黨國機器的負責幹部究竟是被動因應,還是主動領導?組織運動時的各種考慮,究竟是為了達成健全黨國機器、鞏固無產階級專政的戰術目的,還是為了過渡到共產主義,完成搗毀黨國機器、為國家的「凋零」創設條件的戰略目標?如本文所示,文革初期的毛堅定選擇了後者,中立或妥協並不是以回歸無產階級專政本體為念的領導人該有的選項。從6到10月,不管是對黨國機器一以貫之的批判,還是從賦予紅衛兵運動「毛之名」到撤回名號的轉折,毛反反動的立場從來沒有改變。借用巴迪烏的概念,從夏季到冬季的三次非制度性集中與命名舉措,目的無非是讓文革創始「事件」得以延續,極大化紅衛兵「脫離於黨機器」的造反能量。或許反過來說會更精確:在黨國機器的反動戰術一一出台之際,承接、固定、並放大造反能量的三次「刀切」,接續活絡了停滯下來的文革時間,遭到黨國機器與紅衛兵運動接連阻滯的運動因而「有所發展」,打開了1966 年的夏季得以朝冬季綿延開展的可能性。同樣的道理,在「天下大治」等現實原則的催逼之下,1967 年開春之際文革運動突然急轉直下,主要的原因在於毛修正了原本堅定的「集中」原則,「毛之名」倒向舊黨國機器的結果,甫開啟的文革時間也隨即遭到關閉。

◎關鍵詞:文革,毛澤東,巴迪烏,〈五七指示〉,無產階級專政,領導,紅衛兵運動,黨國機器,事件,時間,毛之名

★國立政治大學英語學系副教授。

Yen-bin Chiou╱From Summer to Winter, 1966: Mao’s Time of the Cultural Revolution and Communist Strategies

From Summer to Winter, 1966
Mao’s Time of the Cultural Revolution and Communist Strategies

Yen-bin Chiou*

Abstract
According to Alain Badiou, the Chinese Cultural Revolution provides the beleaguered communist movements with a set of solutions. It goes to great lengths to wrest the emancipatory politics from the post-Stalinist impasse by re-activating the communist movement and fending off every possible opposition with remarkable obduracy. It therefore comes as no surprise that “reactionary line” is the idea central to the time of the Cultural Revolution that lasts from June to October 1966. In the constant tug-of-war among Mao, Party-state apparatuses, and the Red Guard movement during this period, how to distinguish reactionary leadership qualities from revolutionary ones is in Mao’s eyes the main contradiction to be reckoned with. In this entire sequence, the crucial issue of “pro or against the unlimited multiplication of political organizations,” which has been accurately identified by Alessandro Russo, is in fact the vexed question derived from this contradiction.
     If the main contradiction is kept in perspective, the real crux of the matter will be less “pro or against” than the specific forms the endorsement and objection would assume. When the leadership in the CPC is confronted with the mass movement, do they simply stay reactive to the explosive force, or just toss themselves into the hurricane on their own initiative? Do they lead the movement in order to keep the party-state apparatuses intact and consolidate the dictatorship of the proletariat, or with an eye to destroying the party organs and paving the way for the “withering away” of the state? As a founder of the proletarian regime in China and a committed crusader for communism, Mao unambiguously favors the latter. Neutrality or the readiness to compromise is the most unlikely option for a leader who never ceases to drive home the true tenor of the dictatorship of the proletariat. From June to October, Mao’s anti-reactionary attitude is unwavering. The partystate apparatuses have never been spared the ordeal of his open and harsh castigation for their reactionary containment of the movement. The fate of the Red Guards is no less grim. When Mao is ascertained in October that their initial readiness, in Alain Badiou’s verbiage, to “separate” themselves from the party-state apparatuses is irrevocably compromised, he decidedly withdraws his support and “name” in a bid to sustain the revolting spirits of these young rebels. Borrowing Badiou’s words again, we may say that the three noninstitutional actions of “concentration” that Mao takes in June, August, and October respectively are all aimed to perpetuate the founding “event” of the Cultural Revolution and maximize the revolting energies that has effectively jammed the party-state machine. Or to argue the point the other way round, in the strenuous efforts to counter the reactionary force that is obstinately on the defensive, Mao decidedly launches three “cuts” to “re-begin” the time of the Cultural Revolution and precipitate the unimpeded movement from summer to winter, which is then rendered stagnant by the part-state apparatuses and the rebel-turned-conservative Red Guards.
     By the same token, when the reality principle of “return to order” becomes imperative, the Cultural Revolution faces an ineluctable spiral downturn in the spring of 1967. It is the time when the name of Mao derives its efficacy less from the mass movement than from the assistance of party-state apparatuses. With the premature retreat from the principle of “concentration,” the rebellious energy of the mass movement is quickly dissipated, and the entire mass movement is then plunged into an anarchic closure.

◎Keywords: Cultural Revolution, Mao Zedong, Alain Badiou, “May 7th Directive,” the dictatorship of the proletariat, leadership, Red Guard movement, party-state apparatuses, event, time, name of Mao

★Associate Professor, Department of English, National Chengchi University.

劉紀蕙╱隱形居民與公民政治:負向政治範式與普遍性命題的難題

隱形居民與公民政治
負向政治範式與普遍性命題的難題

劉紀蕙*

摘要
由於勞動力的需求,台灣近三十年引入大量外籍勞工。截至2017年底為止,台灣官方統計顯示在產業界以及社福界的藍領外籍勞工人數已經高達671,228人,比起五十四萬人的原住民人口還要多。此外,逃離雇主而成為無證件外勞的人數高達52,322,無國籍兒童亦有7,929人。這些有證件或是無證件的外籍勞工並無法完全獲得勞基法的保護,時常被虐待,無法爭取共居社會應有的承認與平等權利,甚至構成了被合法化的現代奴隸制度。這些居住於此處卻不被看到,也無法平等參與社會的隱形社群,構成了新自由主義時期的內部殖民體制,不僅是底層人民之外的底層,也挑戰了共同體公民權的問題。本文探討這個屬於此地卻又不被計算的隱形居民,以甚麼方式暴露了邊界政治與公民排除的負向政治範式,以及我們要如何以哲學思考與理論實踐回應這個問題。
     本文提問起點,在於當前新自由主義社會的資本流動如何促成了勞工的大量移動,以及公民排除的操作機制如何與當代全球化新自由主義社會的無意識負向政治範式共構,從而對應於各種隱形居民而形成了新奴隸制度與內部殖民體系。為了進行上述問題的理論分析與實踐模式,本文首先藉由馬札德拉與尼爾森所分析的物流系統與後勤部署(logistics),解釋這個全球操作系統。其次,本文梳理了法國哲學家巴里巴爾與巴迪烏的相關論點,討論這兩位積極介入隱形居民以及邊界政治的思想家,如何以理論化的方式,分析這個屬於此地卻又不被計算的隱形居民問題,以及如何提出他們的解決方案。本文指出,巴里巴爾與巴迪烏各自針對普遍性命題而展開的辯論,在巴里巴爾所提出的邊界民主化以及巴迪烏的拓撲集合論與數學本體論之處,形成了獨特的理論結盟。最後,本文回到中文脈絡,指出章太炎曾經提出的經緯組織以及河床空處的構想,恰恰以結合莊子與佛教思想的觀點,解釋了巴里巴爾與巴迪烏的動態普遍性以及拓撲理論構想。本文提議將台灣視為經緯組織以及河床空處的動態拓撲空間,以便能夠重新思考平等公民的可能性。

◎關鍵詞:內部殖民,邊界政治,公民政治,外籍勞工,無證件者,無分之分,新自由主義,物流系統,拓撲空間,巴里巴爾,巴迪烏,章太炎,齊物論

★國立交通大學社會與文化研究所教授兼所長。

Joyce C.H. Liu╱Invisible City-dweller vs. Politics of Citizenship: The Aporia of Negative Political Paradigm and the Thesis of Universality

Invisible City-dweller vs. Politics of Citizenship
The Aporia of Negative Political Paradigm and the Thesis of Universality

Joyce C.H. Liu*

Abstract
According to the statistics of the Workforce Development Agency of Taiwan, there are 671,228 migrant laborers, particularly from Indonesia, the Philippines, Vietnam and Thailand, in Taiwan by the end of November 2017. This number is much higher than the population of the indigenous people in Taiwan. There are also increasing numbers of undocumented migrant workers, as reported by the National Immigration Agency, and the number of reported runaways or ‘missing workers’ has reached 52,322 in December 2017. We are also informed that there are more than 7929 stateless orphans in Taiwan, with no social welfare, such as health care or education system. These documented or undocumented migrant workers are not protected by Basic Labor Law in Taiwan, not recognized as citizen, and even their basic human rights can be easily violated and thus ended up as victims of a legalized modern slavery system. The increasing population of this type of invisible community, who
live and work in the same city but cannot participate and do not have the same basic rights, has posited a serious challenge to the concept of citizenship and manifested a new form of internal colonialism.
     This essay argues that the situations of the migrant laborers is comparable to modern slavery and the emerging form of internal colonialism are costructured by the global chain of logistics that links the flow of capital, the flow of human labors, the local agencies and juridical systems, and the apparatus of civic exclusion. I call it the unconscious operation of the negative political paradigm in the neoliberal society. Through looking into Sandro Mezzadra and Brett Neilson’s concept of logistics, Étienne Balibar’s critiques of border politics, Alain Badiou’s set theory and mathematic ontology, as well as late Qing scholar Zhang Taiyan’s theory of the empty riverbed as the metaphor of the topological space for all citizens. This paper proposes to view Taiwan as a dynamic topological site for constant re-composition so as to re-envision the possibility for equal citizenship.

◎Keywords: internal colonialism, border politics, politics of citizenship, migrant workers, sans-papierpart des sans-part, neoliberalism, logistics, topological space, Étienne Balibar, Alain Badiou, Zhang Taiyan, Qiwulun

★Professor and Chair, Institute of Social Research and Cultural Studies, National Chiao Tung University.

巴迪烏訪談翻譯
Interviews

  • 丹尼爾‧薩伊德╱政治與真理:阿蘭‧巴迪烏與丹尼爾‧薩伊德的對話》(洪世謙 譯;洪筱婷 校譯
    Daniel Bensaïd╱Politics and Truth: A Dialogue between Alain Badiou and Daniel Bensaïd (Trans. Shih-chian Hung; Trans. editor: Shiau-Ting Hung)
  • 皮爾‧高迪耶╱共產主義的假說:訪談阿蘭‧巴迪烏(洪筱婷 譯;洪世謙 校譯
    Pierre Gaultier╱L’hypothèse communiste: Interview d’Alain Badiou par Pierre Gaultier (Trans. Shiau-Ting Hung; Trans. editor: Shih-chian Hung)
  • 菲利浦‧杜魯╱交鋒「哲學讚詞」:阿蘭‧巴迪烏與羅杭‧約福漢對話(洪筱婷 譯;洪世謙 校譯
    Philippe Douroux╱Interview croisée: Alain Badiou: “Je maintiens l’hypothèse  communiste…” Laurent Joffrin: “… dont plus personne ne veut” (Trans. Shiau-Ting Hung; Trans. editor: Shih-chian Hung)
  • 《鋪路石》╱解放是人道全然的展現:訪談阿蘭‧巴迪烏(洪筱婷 譯;洪世謙 校譯
    BallastAlain Badiou: “L’émancipation, c’est celle de l’humanité tout entièr” (Trans. Shiau-Ting Hung; Trans. editor: Shih-chian Hung)

向上滑動